The Nomos of the Earth in the International Law of the Jus Publicum Europaeum. Carl Schmitt. Translated and Annotated by G. L. Ulmen. As Carl Schmitt lays out in The Nomos of the Earth, the establishment of a jus publicum europaeum that created guidelines for limiting war between European . Reilly, John J. () “Carl Schmitt, The Nomos of the Earth in the International Law Carl Schmitt () was a German jurist who bears.

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During the political and constitutional crisis of the later Weimar Republic Schmitt published Legality and Legitimacy, a clear-sighted analysis of the breakdown of parliamentary government Germany, as well as The Guardian of the Constitution, which scmhitt that the president as the head of the executive, and not a constitutional court, ought to be recognized as the guardian of the constitution.

He sees this discovery as absolutely pivotal, and an unrepeatable historical anomaly that forced Christianity to account for an entirely new world that was not present in the Bible, and what to do with it. During the Nazi-period, Schmitt applied this view to a justification of Nazi-aggression, by portraying Nazi-Germany as a local hegemon willing to support a global territorial division based on a principle of non-intervention. Liberals believe that there are no conflicts among human beings that cannot be solved to everyone’s advantage through an improvement of civilization, technology, and social organization or be settled, after peaceful deliberation, by way of amicable compromise.

schmiyt Gavin Beeker rated it it was amazing Oct 01, tge Due to his support for and involvement with the Nazi dictatorship, the obstinately unrepentant Schmitt was not allowed to return to an academic job schmjtt Mehring— In questo memorabile lavoro di Carl Schmitt, oltre a una efficace descrizione dei rapporti tra i poteri pubblici mondiali nei diversi ordinamenti giuridici spaziali della terra e del mare, viene svolta hte riflessione sul concetto di guerra nel diritto internazionale: Per se, no citizen has more of a right than any other citizen else to hold political power.

Giulia rated it really liked it Mar 05, Rather, third parties will be seen to have a duty to side with those who fight justly DK 26— The political distinction nomox friend and enemy is not reducible to these other distinctions or, for that matter, to any particular distinction — be it linguistic, ethnic, cultural, religious, etc. Bendersky ; Balakrishnan ; Mehring The theological partisan of the political, in Schmitt’s view, is as justified in practicing his creed as the liberal cosmopolitan and to engage in a deliberate cultivation of political enmity CPD 65— It led Schmitt to an equally distinctive account of the foundations of international legality that has received increasing scholarly attention in recent years Scheuerman—73; Scheuerman ; Odysseos and Petito ; Axtmann ; Hooker ; Slomp ; Legg ; Benhabib The Nomos of the Earth: Would it not have been better for Schmitt to admit that his view implies a denial of international legal order?


These demands on legitimate international order seem to be schmigt recipe for anarchy. Some interpreters have explained Schmitt’s hostility towards liberal de-politicization as being grounded in the view that a willingness to distinguish between friend and enemy is a theological duty Mehring ; Meier ; Groh, It merely implies that a decision on the exception in the democratic state must take the form of an exercise of the people’s constituent power.

Other Internet Resources [Please contact the author with suggestions. For it tje be possible for groups that are related by enmity nevertheless to co-exist in a shared framework which limits the consequences of war mutual enmity must be prevented from reaching the level of absolute enmity.

The Nomos of the Earth: In the International Law of the Jus Publicum Europaeum

As long as a people exists it can always decide to give itself a new constitution Varl —1. One speaks of the constitution of a country or a piece of earth as of its fundamental order, its Nomos.

Schmitt admits that the principle of democracy is the only principle of legitimacy that is available as an ideological basis for a contemporary constitution PT 50—2; CPD 22— Schmitt’s first reply is based on an interpretation of the nature of European political order in the period from the establishment of the modern sovereign state to the beginning of WWI. Order and OrientationCambridge: Axtmann Schmitt’s suggestion, however, that the preservation of the political as he understands it is a necessary condition of legitimate domestic and international legality seems rather hard to swallow in light of the catastrophic experiences of the 20th century.


The immediate motivation for this turn seems to have been the aim to justify Nazi-expansionism.

Intellektuellenpolitik in der Weimarer RepublikBerlin: He interestingly applies this to the growth of piracy at this time too: Eine weltgeschichtliche BetrachtungStuttgart: In these works from the later Weimar period, Schmitt’s declared aim to defend the Weimar constitution is at times barely distinguishable from a call for constitutional revision towards a more authoritarian political framework Dyzenhaus70—85; Berthold ; Kennedy—78; Breuer The obstinately unrepentant Schmitt was not allowed to return to an academic job after Mehring— Lists with This Book.

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Carl Schmitt (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)

Quotes from The Nomos of the Both require a defense of the political, as Schmitt understands it. This condition seems to apply in many contemporary western democracies. University of Chicago Press.

Absolutely fascinating alternate view of international order.

Carl Schmitt

I consider it to be a utopia when Crl Engels promises that one day all power of men over men will cease, that there will be only production and consumption with no problems, and that “things will govern themselves.

Schmitt seems to admit that a global hegemon might one day be able to enforce a global de-politicization, by depriving all other communities of the capacity to draw their own friend-enemy distinctions, or that liberalism might one day attain global cultural hegemony, such that people will no longer be interested in drawing friend-enemy distinctions CP 35, Jeremiah Carter rated it really liked it Jan 02, Moreover, once one separates between legitimate and illegitimate belligerency, it eargh no longer be possible to argue that other states have the right to side hhe either belligerent or to remain neutral.

Even democratic dictatorship, however crucial to the establishment of democracy, is exceptional and limited in time.